The City of Translation: Poetry and Ideology in Nineteenth-Century Colombia

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Text: Richard H. Hart, “Poe in Foreign Lands and Tonques,” typescript draft, January 1941

Previous Figure Next Figure. Email or Customer ID. In the mirror stage, the subject identifies with the Other.

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The remedies against temptations found articulation in a series of regulatory guides, but also served as an authenticating strategy that female visionaries used in their own works. As opposed to the earlier literature that portrayed ulak as the primary reason for Tibetan economic backwardness, this project demonstrates that ulak was in fact a complex system uniquely suited to a region like Tibet, which was rich in land but poor in labor. Increase derived in physical city expansion towards the north creating new neighborhoods up to Chapinero village, five kilometers away from the city. The position from which the author speaks, its temporal and spatial point of view, affects how the author looks upon events and constructs the meanings of these events. Sign up now. Assistant Professor of Brazilian and Portuguese Studies.

The Other represents the unity of a self that is fragmented. The subject fixes upon himself an image that alienates him from himself. Two desires converging on the same object end in conflict, because the success of one prevents the success of the other, so rivalry ensues. I defend myself against my own division by transferring it to the Other. The more I depend on the image of the Other to constitute the unity of my self, the greater is my need to project my own fragmentation onto the Other. Reciprocal violence coincides with relations of antagonism: antagonists are not able to see the reciprocity of the relationship in which they are involved.

If the violence of representation is an original moment and manifestation a phenomenal moment, resolution is a moment of ending, of cessation of an old order. Resolution of violence is the process aimed at ending manifested violence. Resolution is the moment when antagonisms have to be resolved and strategies are designed to provide a resolution to them.

Central to the problem of the resolution of violence is the overcoming of a rivalry where one party becomes the double of the other. According to Lacan, it happens at the level of the symbolic. It is in representation that antagonisms have to be reconstituted. Violence can be resolved in the symbolic order only by refixing meanings and recreating original relations of identity and difference.

Laclau and Mouffe have suggested that relations of antagonism can be resolved by reconstituting identities. At some moments the social field is divided into two camps, with equivalent features represented on each side. An example is the situation between colonizer and colonized. The discursive space is divided into two camps, and identity becomes negative of the other. A logic of differences makes possible the subversion of the system of equivalences. The subject knows what he or she wants, but does not know the desire of the Other.

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This violence is related, in the first place, to the disappearance of a system of differences and identities inherited from the colonial period in a country whose memories of independence from the colonizer were still fresh. Second, violence originated from those pursuing the civilizing task. The desire for civilization was racial and also gendered. Third, political antagonism between Liberals and Conservatives was embedded in the mimetic desire of each side to civilize the other. Fourth, the suppression of alternative histories into a universal History overruled the creation of a common space for recognition to supersede violence.

The middle of the nineteenth century was characterized by a loss of identity in terms of the model to be followed as the most appropriate for the country. At the moment when the system of differences weakened, the meaning of civilization emerged as a problem. As Samper wrote: People have been isolated from the universal life, reduced to stupidity at the hands of the tyranny; they had been subjected to the pernicious influence of religion and slavery; without commerce, arts, schools, without habits and without a national character; these people are unable to produce a radical thought to guide their movements to a new social order.

Caro, civilization was a moral question.

Oscar Sambrano Urdaneta

A sweeping intellectual history of the relationship between literary translation, The City of Translation. Poetry and Ideology in Nineteenth-Century Colombia. The City of Translation: Poetry and Ideology in Nineteenth-Century Colombia. Front Cover. José María Rodríguez García. Palgrave Macmillan US, Oct 18, .

It is always a belief, an idea, knowledge, that pulls men out of barbarism and conducts them along the road to civilization. If colonialism was conducted in the name of civilization, how could one vindicate the search for civilization in a recently independent republic? Or would it be that of the indigenous peoples? The colonial past exercised domination through a series of symbols, institutions, and well-established identities. Were these to be retained, establishing a continuity with the new republic?

What would happen to language and religion, the most important signifiers of civilization in colonial times; to the central state, the benchmark of colonial domination; and to racial and gender identities that had provided the mode of classification in the colonial past? With the Revolution of Independence, the distinction between external and internal disappeared. Once the distinction had been lost, how was one to proceed? By what means was civilization to be implemented?

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The capacity of the creoles to become the legitimate carriers of civilization depended on the balance between the feelings of continuity and discontinuity with European civilization. The situation in the Spanish colonies, according to Samper, was one of encounter not with a civilized people, but with an inferior race.

Pretending to overwhelm everything, the colonizer empire drowned in the immensity of the colonized, and instead of a vigorous civilization, engendered a grotesque semi-barbaric fetus. The way to solve the impasse was to create a divide within the civilized world. This solution was proposed by the Liberal J. German races, or Northern races, are the only ones having the spirit of colonization, that is, the creation of civilized societies where it was barbaric before. On the contrary, the Latin race or Southern races, are the only ones with the spirit of conquest, that is, of domination through assimilation over already civilized people.

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A different solution, associated with the Conservative Party, was to establish a continuity between the Spanish past and the new republic. The following is the evaluation of the situation of Colombia at the moment of independence by the Conservative Sergio Arboleda, a defender of the Spanish legacy: Certainly, the country was behind in the sciences and arts; industry and commerce were restrained by restrictions, and African slavery opened a dangerous wound. Notwithstanding we inherited from Spain good habits, families were solid, we had respect for authority and consideration for women, a virtuous priesthood, strong moral and religious beliefs, Indians and blacks instructed in the spirit of Christianity and the road toward civilization, and all the races were unified in a true fraternity which merged into one grand family.

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He attributed the postindependence condition of Colombia to the attempt to replace Catholic principles of authority with Protestant institutions. The identification of differences signals the how and the what of government and what strategies were to be followed to guarantee good government. Can we deposit in the hands of the student who is learning the alphabet, who just became literate, a treatise of geometry so that he can solve its problems?

This capacity was graded according to what Samper perceived as the distance of these groups from civilization measured temporarily and geographically. Male creole literati were located at the top of the classification. Priests, soldiers, and artisans followed literati, in descending order: The literati all creoles comprised of lawyers, medical doctors, literati, naturalists like the scientist Caldas, the well-spoken Zea and academics; the low clergy, the enlightened ones, most of them born in the Hispanic-Colombian territory and belonging to poor and plebeian families; young soldiers who, in small numbers, enlisted in Spanish schools, in military districts or in engineering headquarters; city artisans, with Colombian or creole origin, and small proprietors.

Samper established this relationship between the capacity to act and skin color: creoles—whites whose parents were Spaniards, but who were born in Colombian territory, were granted the highest capacity for conducting the war of independence.

In contrast, blacks, Indians, and mestizos were given a subordinated status. They were instrumental in the hands of creole literati: The slaves, unable to understand the Revolution and oppressed by their condition, enlisted simultaneously in the two causes, according to the opinion of their owners or the resources of the enemy army.

Regarding the Indians, mulattos, and remaining mestizos, it is evident that the first were always instruments of the enemy forces in the mountain region; free mulattos and zambos formed part of the revolutionary forces, and the mestizo of Spaniard and Indian descent were the most fierce contenders in both fields; those semi-barbarians were instruments to each party. It is certain that when we want to know a priori the character or justice of a revolution or of a social event, or at least the degree of popular support of a similar event, it is enough to know where women stand.

The truth is that women do not understand the philosophy of revolutions, nor do they have the moral or intellectual strength to take care of political issues, in whose details they very often make mistakes.