Post-Hegemonic Regionalism in the Americas. Isidro Morales. Argentina under the Kirchners. Marcela Lopez Levy. Crisis, Austerity, and Transformation. Isabel David. Latin America after the Neoliberal Debacle. Ximena de la Barra. Forbearance as Redistribution. Alisha C.
Solidarity Transformed. Mark S. Contemporary Spain. Christopher Ross.
Democratization and Authoritarian Party Survival. Joy K. Constructing Democratic Governance in Latin America. Jorge I.
The New Latin American Left. Impasse in Bolivia.
Benjamin Kohl. David B. Portugal in the European Union. Laura C. Gary Prevost. Migration Management. Politics and Policy in Democratic Spain. Paul Heywood. Latin American Responses to Globalization in the 21st Century. The Legislature of Brazil. Cristiane Brum Bernardes. The European Union's policy towards Mercosur. Arantza Gomez Arana. Bolivar's Dream Come True?
Nora Anton. Water and Politics. Veronica Herrera. Agenda Dynamics in Spain. Mozambique and Brazil. Chris Alden. The Fates of Political Parties. Jennifer Cyr.
Presidents and Democracy in Latin America. Logics of Resistance. Steve Dubb. Women, Politics, and Democracy in Latin America. Clara Araujo. Handbook of Central American Governance. Diego Sanchez-Ancochea. The International Political Economy of Communication. Susana Salgado. If the dispute is under Mexican law, then the scrutiny function is doubly useful. All those former judges mean it provides pretty good quality control — on the content of the law too, not just the arbitral process.
For one, the fact that by local standards it is a highly professional and responsive organisation. And very affordable. But that figure has been steady for the past 10 years. The most commonly seen subjects are telecoms, franchising, construction, energy and IP, according to the most recent statistics. Mexican nationals for the most part, with the occasional US lawyer.
Yes, although the appointee has to be approved by the general council. One obstacle is the fees, which are a little lower than top arbitrators may like. With an eye on the domestic market it has entered an alliance with the Mexican Franchising Board to hear those cases. It has five full-time lawyers running case work.
Between them they speak English, Spanish and French. As well as running regular training courses every year, CAM is the only arbitral institution in Latin America to hold its own moot. The moot has been going 13 years modelled on the Vis Moot. Why are you white-listing a Chilean centre? Distance is relative. For anyone outside Latin America, Chile is not an obvious choice. But within the region, CAM Santiago is emerging as a real force.
The item you have requested is not currently available in English and you have been redirected to the next available page. Olivier Cousi. For one, the fact that by local standards it is a highly professional and responsive organisation. Regional Capabilities:. What does the council actually do? Domestic arbitration in Latin America, as in other parts of the world, has come to serve as the main problem-solving mechanism, local courts being either too slow or not trusted. One obstacle is the fees, which are a little lower than top arbitrators may like.
The government of Ecuador has selected it several times now to hear investor disputes. It sits in one of the best seats in the continent, with very strict principles when comes to governance standards and corruption. And it has a wealth of experience.
Since starting in , it has handled north of 1, cases. Nowadays it gets to new cases a year. Far from it. About half the cases arise either from construction work or shareholder agreements. So those tend to be about real money. But that still equates to 15—17 cases a year. Otherwise the main thing to watch out for is getting the right rules. They entered into effect in It seems to be. It puts on lots of events and sees part of its role as to promote Chile as a seat — partnering with lots of foreign organisations the School of International Arbitration at Queen Mary, University of London; the Institute of Transnational Arbitration; and, most recently, CIArb.
It took on its current legal identity in , when things began to pick up.
The commission now backstops all of its work. They follow all the UNCITRAL principles, and have popular options such as emergency arbitrators, provisional measures and a super-fast procedure for small claims are all provided for. Yes and no. But the bulk of those happened in the past five years. So things have only really sprung to life recently. But its backers hope the upwards trend will continue as various marketing efforts pay off. Most significantly, it has close links with the Mexico City National Chamber of Commerce, whose membership should be a tremendous resource.
If they want. CANACO itself maintains a list of about names from which it will propose arbitrators using the list system if required to play an appointing role. The one thing to watch out for is the small claims procedure.
It kicks in automatically and results in merely a decision, rather than a reasoned award. Maybe not — but in doing so, it in fact became the first big player to take the plunge and abandon the unpopular list system used by so many institutions in Brazil. Lists are fine, if they include the people parties really want. They mainly feature Brazilians, usually the same old faces. Unfettered party autonomy. Even with the chair, it is merely preferable that the person is on the list.
The rules are also elegantly translated and clear on important points such as what happens in the event of a challenge to an arbitrator.